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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=94TT1187>
<link 94TO0199>
<title>
Sep. 05, 1994: Cover:Splits in the Family
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Sep. 05, 1994 Ready to Talk Now?:Castro
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
COVER STORIES, Page 35
Splits in the Family
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Cuban Americans disagree on the wisdom of Clinton's new refugee
policy
</p>
<p>By John Moody/Miami
</p>
<p> In somber progression, the names floated over the air and across
the ocean. Pola Alvarez, Jaime Diaz, Orlando Garcia, Ernesto
Molina Sosa. For 95 minutes, until he became too hoarse to continue,
Miami radio personality Tomas Garcia Fuste broadcast a list
of 1,793 Cubans who fled their country last week only to wind
up at Guantanamo Bay Naval Station. For listeners on Castro's
island, the roll call provided welcome assurance that their
loved ones had at least not perished in the treacherous Florida
Straits.
</p>
<p> For residents of Miami, it sharpened a passionate debate over
Washington's response to the wave of U.S.-bound refugees. Long
a solid bastion of conservative influence, the more than 1 million
Cuban Americans in South Florida are torn over the wisdom of
denying entry to the rafters, over President Clinton's refusal
to negotiate with Castro, over the best approach to pry the
Cuban leader from power.
</p>
<p> The determination of the current refugees to leave the island
works against a basic tenet in the strategy of Jorge Mas Canosa,
chairman of the Cuban American National Foundation, a leading
voice of the exiles. Accused of being every bit as autocratic
as the dictator he despises, Mas Canosa threw his support behind
Clinton's decision to bottle up the refugees to keep the pressure
on Castro. Mas Canosa insists that the Administration's economic
crackdown and its refusal to deal with Castro will eventually
embolden Cubans to drive him from power. "We all want a peaceful
solution in Cuba, but that's not what Castro wants," he says.
"He is leading the country toward a violent period of change,
which I think is inevitable."
</p>
<p> Increasingly, Mas Canosa's right to speak on behalf of Cuban
Americans is being challenged. Franciso Aruca, who ran shuttle
flights to Havana, says the exiles used to have the appearance
of homogeneity, always backing the conservative right. Now,
he believes, "a lot of Cuban Americans are questioning not only
Clinton's policy but are getting mad at the leadership of the
community that is linked with that policy."
</p>
<p> Many share the desire of Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo, founder of a
more moderate and less monied organization called Cambio Cubano
(Cubans for Change), to see a more measured policy toward the
Havana regime, including direct negotiations with Castro to
encourage a phased-in democracy. Says Menoyo: "We want the people
to emerge from this with their lives, liberty and their rights.
The measures that Clinton is taking serve only to make 11 million
Cubans--everyone except Castro--suffer." He complains that
his organization cannot get Washington's ear because it has
less money and political influence than Mas Canosa. "He is promoting
the destruction of Cuba," says Menoyo, "so he can go in after
Castro, buy everything in sight and declare himself President."
</p>
<p> Immigration lawyer Magda Monteil-Davis, who arrived from Cuba
in 1961 at the age of eight and lost a race for Congress two
years ago, thinks that punishing poor Cubans and those who leave
will not bring down Castro. She vents much of her anger at Clinton's
crackdown on fellow exiles, who she charges are out of touch
with the situation in Cuba. "Most of the Cubans in Miami came
out during the 1960s. And the younger ones have never even been
there. They sit here with their stomachs full, talking to each
other on their portable phones. What's that have to do with
Cuban reality?" But Davis lost credibility in her efforts to
sway policy toward Cuba after she kissed Castro during a vilit
to Havana last April. The gesture, which she dismisses as a
spontaneous social courtesy, still haunts her. Last week, when
she stepped onto her office balcony, neighbors shook their fists
and shouted "Communist!"
</p>
<p> Not everyone involved in the fractious debate has political
ambitions. Jorge Albertini, 26, an architect who emigrated in
1980, believes his countrymen have lost the will to help themselves.
"The majority of people there are used to the system taking
care of them. Now that it's not, they're so concerned with the
lack of food, electricity and gas that they've forgotten about
the greater goal of getting rid of Castro." Albertini wants
the U.N. to impose a total blockade on Cuba, even if such a
move causes heightened hardship for residents, including his
grandmother and aunt. "A blockade would force the people there
to realize that the Americans are not going to invade Cuba and
solve the problem for them," he says. "The change has to come
from within. And if that means greater suffering for a while,
it's worth it."
</p>
<p> Only one principle still unites Miami's largest ethnic community:
the need for Castro to go, and even that bedrock article of
faith provokes disputes. "I've been hearing rumors that Castro
was about to leave since I was a little girl," scoffs Monteil-Davis,
"and every one of them was based on absolutely reliable information.
It's a myth that is self-perpetuating." Garcia Fuste, on the
other hand, senses the beginning of the end. "People are waking
up with nothing to eat, nothing to do but blame Castro," he
says. "I'm sure that this is the finish of him." Until that
wishful prophecy comes true, Garcia has more long nights ahead,
announcing the names of Cubans trapped between two shores.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>